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Immigration Math: It’s a Long Story

Via The New York Times

MUCH of today’s debate about immigration
revolves around the same old questions: How much do immigrants
contribute to production? Do they take jobs away from people born in
the United States? And what kinds of social services do they use? Yet
every immigrant represents much more than just one worker or one
potential citizen. To understand fully how immigration will shape the
economy, you can’t just look at one generation — you have to look into
the future.

Sociologists and economists
are just beginning to study the performance of second- and
third-generation members of immigrant families. Because of the variety
of experiences of people from different countries and cultures, it’s
not easy to generalize. But recent research has already uncovered some
pertinent facts.

Education is a good place to start, because it’s
strongly correlated with future earnings. Children of immigrants
complete more years of education than their native-born counterparts of
similar socioeconomic backgrounds. “You can expect a child of
immigrants whose parents have 10 years of education to do a lot better
than a child of natives whose parents have 10 years of education,” said
David Card, a professor of economics at the University of California, Berkeley. Being a child of immigrants, he said, “sort of boosts your drive.”

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Left Out by the Legal Route In

An interesting article by Susan Laurel Hodges in the Monday, June 12, 2006 Edition of the Washington Post in which she describes the incredible difficulties faced by well qualified applicants (a physician in this case) and their sponsors in obtaining an H-1B during the current quota blackout. 

Opening borders would solve many problems

June 13, 2006

Among the many measures and half-measures
that are being proposed to solve the crisis of illegal immigration,
there have been some real doozies: a 700-mile wall to keep people out
(or in?); a temporary guest-worker program that may end up harming both
American and Mexican employees; even a scheme for the largest mass
deportation in U.S. history.

But here’s
one good idea you won’t hear about. Let’s allow the North American Free
Trade Agreement to live up to its promise and permit citizens of
Canada, the United States and Mexico to move and work freely among the
three countries.

If that sounds crazy,
it’s only because a century’s worth of regulatory corrosion and toxic
bureaucracy have made us forget that this is how things used to be. For
most of American history, immigration was either open or so lightly
regulated that the United States was effectively open to everybody.

A
policy of borders without visas would in fact be more restrictive and
formal than the system that applied through much of American history
because it would depend on proper identification — either a passport or
some other recognized papers — to cross from one country into the other.

There
are two objections to an open border policy: national security and
economics. One is specious; the other is based on ignorance of the way
free markets work and free people behave.

First,
national security. After the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, this
line of thinking goes, we cannot afford any laxity at our borders. This
case breaks down on logic, facts and history. We already have laxity at
both our northern and southern borders. If you believe undocumented
immigrants are a security threat, things could not be more dangerous
than they are now, because the near-impossibility of entering the
United States legally drives thousands of people to cross the border in
secret.

Free movement would be more secure
than our current system, removing Mexican workers’ incentive to swim
across the Rio Grande and allowing U.S. Customs and Border Protection
to track everybody who’s entering the country legitimately, with 100
percent assurance that anybody who crosses the border in secret is up
to no good.

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In Depth: Why We Need The H-1B

The U.S. IT industry needs a free flow of talent–probably more free than we have. That’ll take addressing the abuse, fear, and retraining problems that stand in the way.




Many American IT pros won’t want to hear this, but importing tech
workers into the United States isn’t just an economic necessity; it
might be critical to saving their jobs.

Congress is giving its most serious consideration in years to
increasing the number of people who can work in the United States each
year under H-1B visas. Two main proposals remain on the table: Leave
the cap at 65,000, or raise it to 115,000. That’s a difference of only
50,000 jobs in an economy that employs about 144 million people, yet
advocates maintain that the country’s technological leadership hangs in
the balance.

Think the United States is the only place to work? Think again, Huang says.

Think the United States is the only place to work? Think again, Huang says.


Photo by Eric Millette

Set the visa number too low, and tech-driven
U.S. companies won’t get the people they need (at least not at the
salaries they and their shareholders increasingly demand), so they’ll
be more likely to relocate those positions abroad. Set the number too
high, critics maintain, and U.S. IT organizations will become glorified
sweat shops, driving down salaries for all tech pros and discouraging
young Americans from entering the field.

The U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services already has enough
applications for the 65,000 H-1B visas it will issue for the fiscal
year that starts Oct. 1–the fourth straight fiscal year the cap will
be reached. And with the U.S. tech unemployment rate hovering around
3%, near its record low, and tech employment above 3.4 million, near
its all-time high, expect H-1B visa demand to far exceed supply unless
the cap is raised. For those U.S. employers turned away, offshoring the
work to India, China, and other counties remains an attractive option,
despite recent salary inflation in those countries. There’s no arguing
with the economics.

The H-1B cap has been moved three times since it was first set at
65,000 in 1992: up to 115,000 in 1999, up to 195,000 in 2001, and down
to 65,000 in 2004. History suggests the demand for such visas isn’t
insatiable–the 195,000 cap was never hit, even in the boom of 2001,
when companies snatched 163,600. In 2003, when U.S. IT employment
bottomed out amid widespread cost-cutting, companies grabbed 78,000
H-1B visas, leaving 117,000 on the table.

There isn’t an exact count of how many of the country’s 3.6 million
available tech workers are on H-1Bs. The visas can go to any industry,
but IT companies are by far the biggest users. According to the
National Foundation for American Policy, a nonprofit that advocates
raising the cap, as many as 450,000 H-1B visa holders across industries
may be in the United States waiting for green cards.

While the immediate point of debate is 65,000 versus 115,000, some
proposals go further. One would raise the cap annually by 20% if the
previous year’s quota is met, and another would simplify the green-card
process, making it easier for temporary foreign workers to work
permanently in the United States.

While some argue passionately that these additional H-1B workers will
only take jobs away from American tech workers, the opposing view is
that the increase will actually create jobs. Smart foreign-born
overachievers allowed to work–and perhaps stay–in the United States
could help provide new ideas and expertise to drive technology
innovation in this country, creating more jobs for the future. Those
new jobs might require different skills than are needed today, but
that’s just the point: Technology is evolving, and the U.S. workforce
needs to make sure it can keep up with changing demands.

Continue reading

A Post-Mortem On Fiscal 2007 H-1B Count

Via AILA.org

Questions are pouring in asking how it could be
that on May 25th USCIS indicated that there were as many as 12,000 H-1B
quota numbers available, and on May 26th, there were none. As of
Wednesday morning, June 1st, USCIS had just finished data-entering
cases that were received on May 25th, and began data-entering cases
received on May 26th. During the entry of May 26th cases, the cap was
reached, making it appear that 12,000 cases arrived overnight.

AILA has inquired into this oddity, and it appears that the problem
lies in the processing of filings by the USCIS at the VSC. When the
USCIS went to Bi-Specialization filing effective April 1, 2006, VSC was
unable to handle the volume of cases it was receiving, because all
I-129 case types were to be sent to the VSC, leading to data-entry and
receipting backlogs from early on. VSC data-entry and receipting
remained backlogged, leading to the lag between delivery of a petition
to VSC and its entry into the system. As USCIS updated its cap-count
reports, the volume of cases sent to VSC increased, further
contributing to the backlog in data-entry and receipting. The cap count
reports posted by USCIS failed to mention that not all cases received
had been input into the system, and that thus the counts did not
include all cases received as of the report dates. Ultimately, the
combination of the existing backlog in data entry and the volume of new
cases delivered last week made it appear that 12,000 cases arrived
overnight.

Article: AILA on Reaching of H-1B Cap

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE:
Thursday, June 1, 2006

CONTACT:
George Tzamaras
202-216-2410
gtzamaras@aila.org

H-1B VISAS CAP REACHED

Once Again Arbitrary Cap is Damaging US Businesses Ability to Hire Global Talent

WASHINGTON DC, JUNE 1 – The U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Service
(USCIS) announced today that it has met the 65,000 H-1B congressionally
mandated cap for the 2007 fiscal year, which means that companies that
need workers with critical skills will have to wait more than a year
before they can obtain this needed expertise. “This is unprecedented.
It marks the second year in a row that the H-1B cap has been
prematurely reached said Deborah J. Notkin, president of the American
Immigration Lawyers Association (AILA). “It is another example of the
country’s broken immigration system and why we need Congress to pass
the Senate’s comprehensive immigration bill which solves this annual
dilemma.”

“It’s just more bad news for American employers,” continued Notkin.
“The exhaustion of this fiscal year’s H-1B visas impedes growth and
innovation, and makes it more difficult for U.S. businesses to stay
competitive. Some employers are sending work overseas, because there
are not enough qualified Americans. A workable H-1B program with an
increased initial limit and flexibility to adjust the limit based on
economic conditions would give U.S. employers access to the talent they
need and help retain jobs in America diminishing the need for
off-shoring.”

The H-1B nonimmigrant visa category allows U.S. employers to augment
the existing labor force with highly skilled international workers,
such as research scientists, to provide expertise to American companies
for temporary periods. H-1B workers are admitted to the United States
for an initial period of three years, which may be extended for an
additional three years.

The H-1B visa is utilized by U.S. businesses and other organizations
to employ international workers in specialty occupations that require
specialized expertise. Typical H-1B occupations include scientists,
architects, engineers, systems analysts, accountants, doctors, and
college professors.

###AILA###

Founded in 1946, AILA is a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization that
provides its Members with continuing legal education, information,
professional services and expertise. AILA advocates before Congress and
the Administration, as well as providing liaison with other government
agencies in support of pro-immigration initiatives. AILA is an
Affiliated Organization of the American Bar Association and is
represented in the ABA House of Delegates.

Can you prove you’re a citizen?

Via The Portland Tribune

Immigration concerns could lead to tougher DMV regulations

  The 2007 Oregon
Legislature must decide whether to require everyone applying for a
state driver’s license to prove they are in this country legally and
have a valid Social Security number.
   
Oregon law does not
currently require those applying for driver’s licenses to be U.S.
citizens or legal aliens. But a 2005 federal law called the Real ID Act
requires all states to issue driver’s licenses only to legal U.S.
residents with proof of their citizenship status. The act was passed
for a variety of purposes, including cracking down on potential illegal
immigrants, fraud, ID theft and child-support evaders.
   Under the
act, citizens will be required to produce birth certificates,
naturalization papers or passports. Legal aliens will have to show
their immigration and residency documents. The act also requires all
applicants to have valid Social Security numbers.
   The requirements would apply to both new applicants and people renewing their licenses.
   All state governments must comply with the law by May 2008. If not,
the driver’s licenses and identification cards they issue will not be
accepted as identification for such federally regulated activities as
boarding an airplane, opening a checking account, collecting Social
Security benefits or qualifying for federally guaranteed student loans.
   State Senate Majority Leader Kate Brown, D-Portland, said it is too
early to know what the Legislature will do because the federal
government has not yet finished writing the rules to implement the law.
But Brown is concerned that Congress has not appropriated any money to
help pay for the new licenses, which, she says, could cost up to $100
each to issue.
   “People aren’t going to be willing to pay that,
and there will be gridlock at airports if the federal goverment doesn’t
get its act together,” Brown said.
   One goal of the Real ID Act
is stemming the flow of illegal aliens, according to co-sponsor U.S.
Rep. James Sensenbrenner, R-Wis. In a Jan. 27 letter to constituents,
Sensenbrenner said the act helps to bring “the issue of illegal
immigration to the forefront of the national debate.”
   Jim Ludwick, the director of Oregonians for Immigration Reform, believes the state should comply with the Real ID Act.
   “If we don’t comply, we face financial ruin. There are so many
things we won’t be able to do with our driver licenses — including
getting a job,” said Ludwick, whose statewide advocacy group favors
tougher immigration laws.
   A number of immigration-rights groups
oppose the federal act, saying it will turn the Oregon Driver and Motor
Vehicle Services into a de facto immigration agency and will not
prevent illegal immigrants from driving without licenses.
   “It
will just marginalize undocumented workers even more and fuel a huge
black market in forged documents,” said Aeryca Steinbauer, a
coordinator for Causa, an immigrant-rights organization whose name
means “cause” in Spanish.
   Oregon currently is one of 10 states
allowing illegal immigrants to obtain driver’s licenses, provided they
are Oregon residents. According to DMV spokesman David House, the
Legislature made the decision because it considers driving to be a
safety issue.
   
   Safety first
   
   
Like other applicants, illegal aliens must pass written and hands-on driving tests to obtain their licenses.
   “The feeling was, they’re here and driving anyway, so we need to make sure they’re safe drivers,” House said.
   No committee of the Legislature currently is studying whether to
comply with the act. According to House, the state DMV has provided
individual legislators with background information on the act if they
ask.
   The act also applies to identification cards issued by the state agency.
   An analysis prepared by the Oregon DMV says that if the Legislature
agrees to comply with the act, “every driver in Oregon will be required
to provide proof of identity, Social Security number, legal presence
and address before being issued a driver’s license or identification
card.”
   
   Illegal residents hard to count
   
   
The
DMV analysis predicts the new requirement could prevent 2.6 percent to
6 percent of driving-age residents from qualifying for a license.
According to House, the figures are only a guess because no one knows,
for certain, how many illegal aliens live in Oregon.
   Government
agencies and nonprofits both publish estimates of the number of illegal
immigrants in Oregon. They vary widely, with the government figures on
the lower side.
   The U.S. Census Bureau estimated there were
90,000 illegal immigrants in Oregon in 2000. The Oregon Employment
Department estimates the number is much higher now, somewhere between
120,000 and 132,000. The nonprofit Pew Hispanic Center put the figure
of “unauthorized migrants” even higher in an April 2006 fact sheet —
between 125,000 and 175,000. Also in April, the Oregon Center for
Public Policy, a liberal think tank, issued a report that
“conservatively” puts the “undocumented” immigrant population between
128,000 and 150,000.
   A 2005 study by Bear Stearns, a national
investment consulting firm, concludes the higher estimates are more
accurate — and may even be too low. The study, titled “The Underground
Labor Force Is Rising to the Surface,” does not break the illegal
immigrant population down by state. But it concludes that the federal
government is drastically underestimating the number of illegal
immigrants in the country.
   According to the report, the number
of illegal aliens in the country is at least twice the U.S. Census
Bureau’s estimate of around 9 million.
   The size of this
extra-legal segment of the population is significantly understated
because the U.S. Census Bureau does not capture the total number of
illegal immigrants,” reads the report.
   Although there are no
exact numbers, the majority of immigrants in Oregon — both legal and
illegal — are Hispanic. The Census Bureau estimates that 311,400
foreign-born people lived in Oregon in 2002. Of that number, the
largest group — 36.17 percent— was born in Mexico. For comparison, all
Asian countries put together accounted for 29.37 percent of the
foreign-born population.
   The Census asks people if they speak a
language other than English at home. In 2000, approximately 321,350
Oregonians said yes, with more than 214,605 saying their primary
language was Spanish. The next most-common languages — German,
Vietnamese and Russian — each had less that one-tenth the number of
Spanish speakers.
   
   Many workers undocumented
   
   
The
new requirements in the Real ID Act undoubtedly will inconvenience many
Oregonians who have lost their proof of citizenship or immigration
papers. But, if the new requirements prevent illegal immigrants from
driving, they also could cause problems for employers who rely on them,
knowingly or otherwise.
   “Undocumented immigrants are critical to
the state work force. Without proper identification, these people will
find it harder to prove identity in banks and retail establishments and
to qualify for Oregon jobs,” according to the DMV analysis.
 
 Whatever the figures, the employment department believes that the vast
majority of adult illegal immigrants are working. A routine 2001
Immigration and Naturalization Service audit found that illegal
immigrants are a significant presence in the Portland area. As part of
the audit, INS officials reviewed the paperwork for 3,306 service
industry employees and found that 834 — 25 percent — were in violation
of immigration laws.
   The results of the audit were released days
before the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Since then, Congress has abolished
the INS and assigned its enforcement powers to a new agency within the
U.S. Department of Homeland Security: U.S. Immigration and Customs
Enforcement.
   ICE no longer conducts routine audits on employees
within a service sector, according to Virginia Kice, ICE’s western
regional communications director and spokeswoman. Instead, Kice says
ICE is focusing its investigations on what she calls key components of
the public safety infrastructure, such as airport employees.
 
 Federal investigators found 124 illegal immigrants working at the
Portland International Airport in December 2001 and arrested 30 of them
for using false documents as part of a national sweep called Operation
Tarmac.
   According to Kice, ICE also is targeting employers who
intentionally break the law to employ illegal immigrants. Last month,
21 illegal immigrants were arrested at the North Portland office of
IFCO Systems North America, a pallet-building company. Nationally,
1,200 illegal immigrants and seven current or former company managers
were arrested during the sweep. Federal officials accuse the company of
recruiting workers in Mexico and Central America and paying to smuggle
them across the border.
   Kice said ICE is conducting other investigations but declined to discuss them.
   Ludwick expects more investigations and arrests if the state complies with the Real ID Act.
   “Right now, Oregon driver’s licenses are an open invitation to
fraud,” he said. “But once the state toughens up its requirements,
identifying people who aren’t supposed to be here will be easier.”

Senate guest worker plan survives attack, Boxer, Alabama Republican fails to kill provision, but number of visas is reduced

Via The San Fransisco Chronical
By Carolyn Lochhead, Chronicle Washington Bureau


Washington

Seldom do California’s liberal Democratic Sen. Barbara Boxer and Alabama’s
conservative Republican Sen. Jeff Sessions agree on anything. But they joined
Tuesday in a failed attempt to kill the guest worker provision of the Senate’s
broad overhaul of U.S. immigration law, calling it a threat to U.S. workers.

Their 69-28 defeat — one of a sequence of amendment battles that
backers of the Senate bill won handily — demonstrated a powerful momentum
behind the underlying legislation. Senators on both sides said President Bush’s
push for the bill in a prime-time speech Monday night, in which he called for
National Guard troops at the Mexican border, had aided its prospects.

But even if the Senate bill passes, it faces a difficult future. The House
passed a border enforcement bill, and conservative Republicans show little sign
of bending to Bush’s will on an issue that has riled GOP voters across the
country. The bills would have to be merged and House leaders persuaded in an
election year to embrace Senate provisions creating a program to allow legal
residence and citizenship for illegal immigrants now in the country — an
idea they have rejected repeatedly as tantamount to amnesty.

The emotional Senate debate Tuesday threw a spotlight on the deep
fractures the immigration issue opens in both parties, the strange and fragile
alliances it forges and the conundrums posed by any attempt to control the flow
of human beings over national boundaries.

Those alliances included the call by Boxer and Sessions to kill a proposed
guest worker program that would provide temporary visas for future immigrants
with jobs in the United States.

“There are 3.6 million workers in construction with an average wage of
$18.21,” Boxer said. “I meet with my working people in California. They’re
fighting hard for these jobs, they want more of these jobs, not less of these
jobs, and the last thing they want is a guest worker program that is going to
provide a big pool of workers who will get far less than this amount and take
jobs away from my people.”

“There is nothing temporary about this guest worker program,” agreed
Sessions, saying the bill offers new migrants — as well as most of the
estimated 12 million illegal immigrants already in the country — a path to
citizenship, leading to extraordinary new numbers of blue-collar migrants.

Several senators on both sides of the aisle — including Dianne
Feinstein, a California Democrat who voted for the immigration bill in the
Judiciary Committee — cited a new analysis released Monday by the
conservative Heritage Foundation that predicted far more people immigrating
into the country than anticipated as a result of the Senate’s legislation.

Feinstein and Jeff Bingaman, D-N.M., prevailed 79-18 on an amendment to
reduce the number of low-skill guest worker visas from 325,000 a year to
200,000 and to remove an automatic escalator that would have increased the
low-skill visas by 20 percent each year that the ceiling was reached.

The Heritage analysis added up all the provisions of the 616-page Senate
bill and extended them over 20 years, producing a mid-range estimate of more
than 100 million new legal immigrants — a third of the current U.S.
population — if the guest worker programs grow at 10 percent a year and
workers bring their families as currently allowed.

“It all adds up to millions and millions of people,” Feinstein said.

In addition to a new guest worker program for unskilled immigrants, the
overall bill would provide a path to earned citizenship for those immigrants
who entered the illegally country before January 2004, toughen border
enforcement, impose new sanctions on employers who hire illegal immigrants,
provide a separate program for 1.5 million farm workers and expand visas for
high-skilled migrants.

Guest worker provisions include not only the visa program for low-skill
workers but also an expansion of H1B visas for high-skill workers, many of whom
are employed in Silicon Valley. The H1B visa is the primary U.S. work permit, a
nonimmigrant classification used by a foreign worker who will be employed
temporarily in a specialty occupation.

“We did not realize the extent to which large numbers of people are
brought in on some of these visas,” Feinstein said, noting that the Judiciary
Committee took its earlier action under a strict deadline to produce a bill.

Feinstein said she would like to eliminate the 20 percent escalator in the
H1B skilled visa category as well.

“It’s simply too many,” Feinstein said, adding the H1B category — which
has stirred controversy among U.S.-born engineers — could generate 3.67
million foreign workers over the next 10 years.

The proposed H1B expansion from 65,000 visas to 115,000, with the 20
percent escalator each year the ceiling is breached, is eagerly sought by
computer makers who contend that educated foreigners are an asset to the
industry and vital to maintaining the U.S. technological lead. It has stirred
opposition among native-born engineers who contend that foreign tech workers
have undermined salaries and discouraged U.S. children from entering tech
fields.

Supporters of the bill, including its chief sponsors Sen. Edward Kennedy,
D-Mass., and Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., countered that the bill contains
protections for U.S. workers and immigrants alike, including requirements that
employers search for U.S. workers first and pay prevailing wages.

The first critical test vote after Bush’s speech came Tuesday when the
Senate defeated an amendment by Sen. Johnny Isakson, D-Ga., that would have
required the administration to certify that the borders were secure before
legal immigration could be expanded. The amendment, which would have brought
down the entire bill, lost 40-55 when 17 Republicans joined 38 Democrats to
defeat it.

The vote “was a good sign that we’ve got a majority coalition to hold
together on it,” said Sen. Sam Brownback, R-Kan., a key conservative backer of
the legislation. He said Bush’s call Monday to send 6,000 National Guard troops
to the border helped undermine a key conservative objection.

“A number of people have been calling for National Guard troops on the
border for some time,” Brownback said. “So he said, fine, he’ll do it. I think
it helped on that.”

Sen. Mel Martinez, R-Fla., another chief sponsor, said he was nervous
before the vote on Isakson’s amendment because it was “the toughest for most
people. I think (support) will grow from here.”

The Senate, continuing to work through several dozen amendments, is set to
vote on passage by Memorial Day.

Some members speculate privately that the difficulty of melding any Senate
call for broader legal immigration with the House enforcement crackdown,
combined with Bush’s political weakness, could delay a conference committee
until after the election — and possibly kill the bill entirely.

Yet the progress of the legislation has been eerily similar to the
struggle over the last major immigration overhaul 20 years ago, where a fragile
coalition of business and ethnic lobbies cobbled together legislation that
skirted defeat several times.

Many unaware of enforcement level

Under President Bush, the U.S. has already deported more people than under any other president in U.S. history.

Since Bush took office, the U.S. has not deported fewer than 150,000
illegal immigrants a year and had deported an estimated 881,478 through
2005. According to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, the U.S.
deported 160,700 people in fiscal 2005. Of these, 52.5 percent were
criminal illegal immigrants.

Now Bush is poised to push a harder stance by bringing in National
Guard troops to patrol the U.S.-Mexico border. He is expected to
provide details during a prime-time address tonight.

News of the president’s plan comes as hard-line immigration
advocates push for better policing of the estimated 11 million illegal
immigrants in the United States. But longtime immigration experts and
former government officials say the public hasn’t been paying attention.

Lynn Ligon, a retired work-site investigator for the former U.S.
Immigration and Naturalization Service, said the agency “has been
enforcing the laws all along.”

But a recent Zogby poll commissioned by the Center for Immigration
Studies found that 70 percent of respondents agree with the statement,
“Efforts in the past have been grossly inadequate and the government
has never really tried to enforce immigration laws.”

At its shrillest, the national hoopla — immigrants and critics shouting at each other in the streets “Si se puede!” and
“Secure the border, that’s an order!” — illustrates the no-win
situation that immigration enforcement officials have to deal with
every day.

“The public may want to see high-profile raids,” Ligon said, “so
they can say, ‘Boy, I’m not going to shop there,’ and then next week
they’re back again.”

High-profile is what the public got with the April 20 bust of IFCO
Systems North America, a Houston-based pallet-services company. Seven
managers and 1,187 illegal immigrants were arrested in 26 states.

Same with Operation Tarmac, which was launched in December 2001 and
netted more than 900 unauthorized workers at U.S. airports, including
62 at Dallas/Fort Worth Airport in November 2002.

In both cases, the rhetoric was tough. The night of the IFCO bust,
Homeland Security Secretary Michael Chertoff said the government would
target the biggest offenders. Julie Myers, chief of Immigration and
Customs Enforcement, echoed the sentiment. Talk of an amnesty program,
long part of Bush’s proposed policy for handling illegal immigration,
subsided.

Immigrants, legal and illegal, interpreted the IFCO bust differently.

Rumors of random raids and widespread stings circulated, including
in Fort Worth. Students, mostly in rural areas, stayed home from
school. A rumor circulated that authorities were looking for single men
and people with criminal records.

Immigration officials expressed dismay at the reaction. “I’m
starting to sound like a broken record,” agency spokesman Carl Rusnok
said wearily after another day of trying to tell people that no random
raids were being carried out.

This is the fickle, schizophrenic history that immigration
enforcement officers deal with: wild swings between talk of amnesty
programs and mass deportations.

“Immigration [officials] won’t pick up kids coming out of school —
that is a no-no,” Ligon said. “They are not going to be following kids
home to see where they live.”

It’s not that the illegal immigrants aren’t there in plain sight.
Everybody knows. But these days — post-9-11 — the focus is on
stopping terrorists, not day laborers.

Continue reading

Hey Buddy, Can You Spare an Engineer


05/14/2006

Richard Powers knows the engineering work is out there and that his
company, BCI Engineering & Scientists, has the talent to compete
for its share of the growing market.

The
big problem will be finding enough skilled employees to do the work,
said Powers, the president and chief executive officer of the Lakeland
company.

“For more than two years now, the demand for people has
been extreme,” he said. “We are not making phone calls (looking for
business). If we got any more work, we don’t know how we would do it.”

BCI
employs 120 people and has 18 openings requiring degrees in engineering
or science, such as biology or geotechnical engineering, a branch of
geology dealing with soils and minerals, said Powers, a licensed
geologist. The latter shortage is particularly acute.

“If we can find four of them, they’d have work right away,” he said.

If finding 18 people seems challenging, it actually represents progress, Powers said. A year ago, BCI had 30 such job openings.

“This is the firs time in years I can remember having less than 20,” he said.

In 1997, when Powers bought a controlling interest in the company, BCI had about 40 employees with $3 million in annual revenue.

Powers
and senior managers developed an aggressive growth plan that added
services, including water resource and environmental consulting, and
new Florida offices in Orlando, Jupiter and Minneola.

Last year
the company had $13 million in revenue and expects to top $15 million
this year, Powers said. It hopes to reach $30 million by 2010.

Only the shortage of skilled labor will hold his company back, Powers added.

BCI hardly faces that problem alone.

“We
see that not only in our profession but in speaking to my (business)
colleagues,” said Anu Saxena, an engineer and president of
Ascgeosciences Inc., another Lakeland engineering firm. “Business
owners today not only have to manage financial capital, they have to
manage their human capital.”

The shortages exist particularly
large in growth states like Florida, said Pramod Khargonekar, the dean
of the College of Engineering at the University of Florida in
Gainesville.

“The number of graduates hasn’t increased that much, but the demand has boomed,” Khargonekar said.

In
Florida, the shortages have cropped up in fields such as civil and
geotechnical engineering related to the state’s construction boom,
Saxena and Khargonekar agreed. Geotechnical engineering includes soil
and construction materials testing and construction inspection.

All
three engineers traced the skilled labor shortage to two factors
largely beyond the profession’s ability to control: The decline of
graduates in scientific fields from U.S. colleges and the increasing
difficulty in recruiting foreign-born professionals because of the post
9/11 controversy over federal immigration policies.

U.S.
colleges will produce 45,000 graduates with technical degrees, Powers
said. China alone will produce 1.5 million such graduates, and India
nearly as many.

“The problem is in the elementary, middle and
high schools,” he said. “Their whole experience in earth science might
be one chapter in one book.”

Lack of trained science teachers
means not only that students get a poor foundation in academics, but
indifferent teachers fail to motivate students to consider a career in
science fields, Powers said.

“Deficiencies in science and
engineering start in the elementary, middle and high schools,” Saxena
agreed. “The schools need to do more to prop up interest in the
sciences.”

The UF engineering college turns out about 950
graduates a year, Khargonekar said, but it could immediately increase
that to 1,200 if enough students showed interest.

“The other
thing we don’t do in this country is get enough women involved in
engineering and science,” he said. “In the middle schools, there’s this
kind of subliminal message sent to girls that science and engineering
are not for them.”

Powers and Saxena said professionals and
scientific societies are pushing for better science education in the
public schools. But Khargonekar did not absolve the professions
entirely.

“We in the engineering community haven’t done enough
to tell people what engineers do,” the dean said. “Everybody knows what
a doctor does and what a lawyer does, but nobody knows what an engineer
does.”

U.S. companies traditionally turned to foreign-born
students who obtained technical degrees in their own countries or at
U.S. universities.

Since 9/11, fewer foreign students are
studying at U.S. universities, said Khargonekar, a native of India now
a U.S. citizen, and it has become harder for those that do matriculate
to find jobs in this country after graduation.

“What has
happened for the last three years is a growing perception that the
United States is not friendly to foreigners,” he said. “When I came
here (in 1978) it was very friendly.”

Many of BCI’s most recent
hires have been foreign-born professionals, said Les Bromwell, BCI’s
founder and a principal engineer. The last four hires in the water
resources group, the company’s largest, are from India, Turkey,
Thailand and China.

“We’re a little United Nations,” he said.

Still, Bromwell and Powers said, that route has become much longer and strewn with more red tape.

The
process at the federal Immigration and Naturalization Service of moving
from a student visa, which allows a person to work at a U.S. company
for a year after graduation, to a permanent resident with a “green
card” takes at least five years, Bromwell said. Citizenship can take 10
years or longer.

“I view that as a tremendous barrier,” Powers
said. “They (U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services officials) are
tremendously inefficient and not at all concerned with the needs of
business. (USCIS) is much more concerned about their process than
results and achievement.”

Moreover, the stiffening of U.S. visa
requirements comes at a time when other countries are competing more
effectively for skilled workers.

“Many engineers who came here
from India and China are no longer coming here. If they do come here
(for a degree), they go back because there’s more opportunity in their
home countries,” Saxena said. “Why come to America for opportunities
when there are opportunities in your own backyard.”

Khargonekar
sounded an optimistic note. Federal officials have come to realize they
are losing the global competition for top scientists and engineers, he
said, and they have begun relaxing entry restrictions for skilled
workers and degree-seeking students.

That suits BCI executives.
What Bromwell started as an engineering company catering to the
phosphate industry has branched out to embrace more than a dozen
engineering disciplines. Among them are aquatic restoration, geologic
hazards, investigative engineering and geographical information
services and database development.

It serves six major market areas — government, mining, industry, insurance, land development and construction.

Although
it does most of its business in Florida, Powers said, BCI has a global
reach that includes projects in India, Brazil, Jamaica and St. Croix.

Among its more nearby projects are:

•  Aquatic restorations of Lakeland’s Banana Lake, the St. John’s River and the Lake Morton shoreline.

• 
Civil engineering, such as the ongoing Eloise Redevelopment and
Revitalization Plan and a revitalization of downtown Inverness.

•  Environmental reclamation projects such as the Tenoroc Fish Management Area.

Beginning
in the middle 1980s and accelerating in 1997, when Powers took control,
BCI officials realized the company had to diversify from it original
base in the boom-or-bust phosphate industry, the CEO said.

“There
was a new energy. There was a strong realization that, if we don’t
diversify our services and our client base, we probably will not be
around long,” Powers said.

Legal immigrants face citizenship hurdles

Via SunHerald.com
05/12/2006

Kshitij
Bedi recently marked his fourth wedding anniversary, but it wasn’t much
of a celebration, just a long-distance phone conversation.

The Long Island resident has barely seen his wife, Shweta, in the
past four years. She is in India, waiting and waiting – and waiting –
for the visa that would allow her to join her husband, a legal
permanent resident, in the United States.

Bedi applied for the visa in April 2002, less than three weeks after
the couple’s wedding. He tries to visit India as much as possible, but
essentially, “I’ve been a bachelor since then.”

“There’s nothing we can do,” he said. “We’re so helpless.”

In all the recent talk about immigration reform, most of the focus
has been on the millions of people in the United States illegally. But
part of the problem, legal experts and immigrant advocates say, is a
complicated legal immigration system in which the demand for visas far
outstrips the supply.

“People aren’t choosing to walk through the desert; they’re doing
that because the front door is closed,” said Benjamin Johnson, director
of the Immigration Policy Center at the American Immigration Law
Foundation. “The only way to get in is the back door.”

Some foreigners are left waiting for a visa for more than a decade.
And those are just the ones who fit into one of the complex categories
of people eligible to apply for a visa. The ones who don’t? Forget it,
experts say.

“For the vast majority of people who would like to move to the
United States, there is no line to get on,” said Julie Dinerstein,
deputy director of immigration advocacy for the New York Immigration
Coalition.

In general, there are four ways foreigners can get permission to
move to the United States: They can be sponsored by an American citizen
relative, or in some cases, a legal resident relative; they can be
sponsored by an employer; they can claim refugee or asylum status; or
they can win a visa lottery.

But each one of the categories has limitations. For American
citizens, their spouses, parents, and unmarried children under 18 can
get immediate visas, with no wait. But any married children or adult
siblings have to get in line, and other relations, such as cousins,
cannot be sponsored. Legal permanent residents, like Bedi, can sponsor
only spouses or unmarried children, not other relatives.

There are about 226,000 family-preference visas available in a year
for the entire world, divided equally among countries. (Immediate
family members of American citizens are not counted in this category.)
For companies looking to sponsor an employee, there are about 140,000
visas.

To win refugee status, foreigners must prove they face persecution
in their homeland. As for the visa lottery, it is only for residents of
countries that aren’t already sending large numbers of people here.
About 50,000 diversity visas are given out each year.

But those totals don’t even come near to accommodating the millions of people who want to come here.

According to the latest government bulletin:

_ The waiting list for unmarried adult children of legal permanent
residents is nearly 10 years long. For those coming from Mexico, it is
almost 15 years.

_ For adult siblings of American citizens, the wait is more than 10
years; for those coming from the Philippines, almost 23 years.

The numbers of visas given out is set by Congress; the last
adjustment was more than a decade ago. The basic framework, that all
countries get the same number of visas, was put into place in 1965.

Some say it is time to change the law.

“Many people feel if we would liberalize our legal immigration
rules, that that in itself would reduce the scale of illegal
immigration,” said Stephen Legomsky, professor of international law at
Washington University in St. Louis.

Dinerstein said it is clear that the American economy can absorb
more people than are coming legally, as evidenced by the number of
illegal immigrants seeking jobs.

And no one feels the pain more than those who are separated from their families.

People like Dorota Szewczyk, who left her toddler daughter behind in
Poland to join her husband here. That marriage fell apart, and now she
is waiting for her legal residency status – a process that could take
years. She cannot leave the country, meaning the daughter could be well
into her teens before seeing her mother again.

Or Sam Assatov, a software engineer from Uzbekistan who works in New
York City. He is waiting to be reunited with his wife and 7-month-old
son, who are still back in their homeland.

“You basically end up spending your life in the United States
looking forward to going back,” he said. “You count the days until you
live together and the days you can’t live together, you hope they end.”

Immigration reform could hurt construction

Via SouthCostToday.com
05/12/2006

Controversial immigration
legislation currently under consideration in Congress could bring about
a critical shortage of workers in the home-building industry, industry
figures said.

“The
home-building industry could be in danger of losing a significant
portion of its labor force,” if immigration reform doesn’t include a
guest worker program and a program to address illegal immigrant issues,
according to spokesman Michael Strauss of the 225,000-member National
Association of Home Builders.

Strauss
was referring to legislation that Congress is currently considering.
There are three dueling bills in Congress, each offering different
versions of immigration reform.

Continue reading article

Critics say U.S. naturalization process too slow

By Tim Vandenack
The Hutchinson News


DODGE CITY –
It was the 1980s, and with few work options at home in
Chichihualco, Mexico, Oscar Marino looked north of the border.

“I saw my family, the poverty,” Marino said.

In
the 1970s, his father had worked with a permit that let him travel
between the United States and Mexico. But with no such option available
when his turn to enter the workforce came up, Marino, now a meatpacker
here, took matters into his own hands.

“That pushed
me to come here illegally,” he said, remembering the mad scramble over
a chain-link fence separating Tijuana from southern California.

Many
others have similar stories – there are perhaps 12 million illegal
immigrants in the country, some say – and immigration experts and
others say it shouldn’t come as a big surprise. Though there might be
jobs, scant means exist for low-income, low-skilled foreigners to enter
the United States legally to take them, prompting many to sneak across
the border.

“I would have gone that way if I could,”
said Marino, now a legal U.S. resident, referring to the program that
let his father enter the country. “It didn’t exist anymore. I couldn’t.”

Indeed,
it strikes Angela Ferguson, a Kansas City, Mo., immigration attorney,
whenever she hears people say they have no problem with immigrants, as
long as they enter legally.

“They just don’t have a clue of how difficult the process is,” said Ferguson, who also practices in Garden City.

‘A long wait’

In
light of the apparent disparity between labor demand and supply, a
controversial U.S. Senate proposal emerged last month that would allow
more foreigners in to do low-skilled work. Some decry such plans as
misguided, saying lack of workers isn’t the issue, but depressed wages
that don’t appeal to natives.

A guest-worker element
would let up to 325,000 people in per year on a temporary basis, said
Laura Reiff of the Essential Worker Immigration Coalition, which favors
moves to grant some illegal immigrants pathways to legal residency.
Another prong would increase the quota of low-skilled workers
potentially eligible for U.S. residency from about 5,000 per year to
250,000.

As is, the most common means for Mexicans
to attain legal residency here and the ability to work legally are
through U.S. citizen or U.S. resident family members. Latinos,
particularly Mexicans, account for the largest share of southwest
Kansas’ immigrant population, and Mexicans account for the biggest
chunk of the nation’s overall undocumented population.

But
the process can take years, trying the patience of someone hoping for a
job now. First there’s the paperwork, background checks and medical
exams. Then there’s the delay while U.S. authorities process the
information.

“It’s a long wait,” said Consuelo
Sandoval of United Methodist Mexican-American Ministries in Garden
City, which assists immigrants.

People without a family member to petition on their behalf essentially are out of luck.

The
Mexican spouse or minor children of a U.S. citizen, meanwhile, face the
shortest wait, as little as a year. From there, the wait gets longer
and longer, particularly for legal residents petitioning for their
Mexican family members. Residency is one step short of citizenship. For
instance:

* The unmarried Mexican children over 21 years of age of a U.S. citizen must wait more than 15 years.

* The brothers and sisters of a U.S. citizen must wait more than 12 years.

*
The spouse and minor children of a U.S. resident must wait more than
six years. That is the largest category of people Sandoval helps
process.

* The unmarried children over 21 of a legal resident must wait more than 14 years.

The
wait stems from the backlog of cases U.S. officials must process and
annual quotas set for each country. For processing of residency
requests, U.S. immigration officials divvy the world into five zones:
Mexico, the Philippines, India and China – which all together account
for the bulk of petitions – and the rest of the world.

Continue reading article